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【独家】2016年3月5日新SAT考试真题解析

2016-03-08

栏目:考培资讯

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导语:

  3月5日进行了2016年首场新SAT考试,童鞋们普遍反映阅读语法数学部分普遍不难,甚至难度略低于OG里的题目。但!是!到了新SAT最后一个写作的环节,把很多童鞋考懵了。

2016年3月5日新SAT考试真题解析3月5日新SAT考试真题

3月5日新SAT写作题目的阅读文章难度大,可以说在CB已经公开的7道写作题中排名靠前。(SAT写作题阅读原文附在文后)下面就让还在美国的罗琼老师来和大家分析分析~~

新SAT写作
  有别于旧SAT的写作和任何一种国外考试的写作,新SAT写作采取的是“读后感”的方式,即根据一篇文章来分析它的行文思路、证据、推理、修辞等等方面。每篇文章的要求都是一样的,但是文章不同,来源不同,没法做预测,也没法套模板。写文章时,可以面面俱到,把行文思路、证据、推理、修辞等方面逐一加以分析,也可以只抓一点,进行透彻的分析。

3月5日新SAT写作文章
  这篇文章字数在750左右,符合OG里的说法。这篇文章的作者是E.J. Dionne,他是乔治城大学的教授,也是一位专栏作家。这是一篇政论性的文章,探讨的是美国人对国家的义务。

对于牵涉到美国政治的文章,对于绝大多数的中国大陆考生都是陌生的,因为大家接触太少了。很多同学反映读不懂也是这种情况,生词太多,背景信息知道太少。其实,仔细去读这篇文章,大家会发现作者的POINT很清晰,即号召年轻人在服兵役之外为国家做贡献,可以从事教育、医疗、环保等领域的工作。同学们完全可以从REASONING和EVIDENCE这2个方面来分析这篇文章,即作者用了什么样的行文思路,怎么步步推进他的观点,以及用哪些证据来佐证他的观点。

如何备考新SAT写作
  首先,一定是加强阅读能力,背单词是逃不过的。另外,考生需要训练一种能力:在不能透彻的懂得文章每一个细节的情况下,如何找出自己所需要的信息,进行分析。

3月5日新SAT写作原题原文
  E.J. Dionne Jr.: A call for national service
  (E.J. Dionne writes about politics in a twice-weekly column and on the PostPartisan blog. He is a senior fellow in Governance Studies at the Brookings Institution, a government professor at Georgetown University and a commentator on politics for National Public Radio, ABC’s “This Week” and MSNBC. He is the author of “Why the Right Went Wrong.")
  Here is the sentence in the Declaration of Independence we always remember: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”
  And here is the sentence we often forget: “And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our Sacred Honor.”
  This, the very last sentence of the document, is what makes the better-remembered sentence possible. One speaks of our rights. Theother addresses our obligations. The freedoms we cherish are self-evident butnot self-executing. The Founders pledge something “to each other,” the commonly overlooked clause in the Declaration’s final pronouncement.

We find ourselves, 237 years after the Founders declared us a new nation, in a season of discontent, even surliness, about the experiment they launched. We are sharply divided over the very meaning of our founding documents, and we are more likely to invoke the word “we” in thecontext of “us versus them” than in the more capacious sense that includes every single American.
  There are no quick fixes to our sense of disconnection, but there may be a way to restore our sense of what we owe each other across the lines of class, race, background — and, yes, politics and ideology.
  Last week, the Aspen Institute gathered a politically diverse group of Americans under the banner of the “Franklin Project,” named after Ben, to declare a commitment to offering every American between the ages of 18 and 28 a chance to give a year of service to the country. The opportunities would include service in our armedforces but also time spent educating our fellow citizens, bringing them healthcare and preventive services, working with the least advantaged among us, and conserving our environment.

Service would not be compulsory, but it would be an expectation. And it just might become part of who we are.

The call for universal, voluntary service is being championed by retired U.S. Army Gen. Stanley McChrystal, in league with two of the country’s foremost advocates of the cause,John Bridgeland, who served in the George W. Bush administration, and AlanKhazei, co-founder of City Year, one of the nation’s most formidable volunteer groups. The trio testifies to the non-ideological and nonpartisan nature ofthis cause, as did a column last week endorsing the idea from Michael Gerson, my conservative Post colleague.

“We’ve a remarkable opportunity now,” McChrystal says,“to move with the American people away from an easy citizenship that does notask something from every American yet asks a lot from a tiny few.” We do,indeed, owe something to our country, and we owe an enormous debt to those who have done tour after tour in Iraq and Afghanistan.

McChrystal sees universal service as transformative.“It will change how we think about America and how we think about ourselves,”he says. And as a former leader of an all-volunteer Army, he scoffs at the ideathat giving young Americans a stipend while they serve amounts to “paid volunteerism,” the phrase typically invoked by critics of service programs. “If you try to rely on unpaid volunteerism,” he said, “then you limit the people who can do it. . . . I’d like the people from Scarsdale to be paid the same as the people from East L.A.”

There are real challenges here. Creating the estimated 1 million service slots required to make the prospect of service truly universal will take money, from government and private philanthropy. Service,as McChrystal says, cannot just be a nice thing that well-off kids do when they get out of college. It has to draw in the least advantaged young Americans. In the process, it could open new avenues for social mobility, something the military has done for so many in the past.

Who knows whether the universal expectation of service would change the country as much as McChrystal hopes. But we have precious few institutions reminding us to join the Founders in pledging something to eachother. We could begin by debating this proposal in a way that frees us from the poisonous assumption that even an idea involving service to others must be part of some hidden political agenda. The agenda here is entirely open. It’s based on the belief that certain unalienable rights entail certain unavoidable responsibilities.

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